The ground-breaking decision adopted at the 3rd Congress to abolish article 6 of the Constitution, which proclaimed the CPSU the “leading and guiding force of Soviet society, the nucleus of its political system” set in motion the forces that led up to the disintegration of the CPSU, the Soviet state and society.

This was preceded by a spate of interethnic conflicts. The latter were the result of both the complex economic situation in the country, and the policy of glasnost and growing political awareness of the masses.

Historian Pyotr Deinichenko notes:

“The first serious conflict on ethnic grounds took place in 1986 in the Eurasian Soviet republic of Kazakhstan. That year a Russian by nationality, Gennady Kolbin was appointed to head the republican Communist Party. And although the indigenous population of the republic – the Kazakhs – comprised no more than 30% of the people inhabiting Kazakhstan, the appointment of an ethnic Russian sparked disturbances in the republic’s capital Alma-Ata.

A year later there were manifestations of protest in the capitals of the Baltic soviet republics – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania – in connection with the anniversary of the Soviet-German pact of 1939, which went down in history as the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact.

And in February 1988 Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh, an autonomous district within Azerbaijan, voiced their decision to be reunited with Armenia. Azerbaijan had no intention of ceding any part of its territory to Armenia. The result of this stand-off was an Armenian pogrom in the Azeri town of Sumgait, while Armenia became the scene of mass demonstrations and strikes. A bloody conflict was thus unleashed between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which evolved into an all-out war.”

Historian Leonid Katzva wrote, “The center and Mikhail Gorbachev personally, fearing that a handover of Nagorny Karabakh to Armenia could lead to a chain reaction impacting the borders within the U.S.S.R., threw its weight behind the Azeri side.

In April 1989 participants of a meeting in the capital of the Caucasian republic of Georgia – Tbilisi – demanded elimination of autonomies within the fold of the republic and its prompt secession from the U.S.S.R. Troops were directed against the protesters, and tear gas and entrenching shovels used to brutal effect. Nineteen people died, many were wounded.

In 1989-1990 interethnic clashes took place in the Caucasian autonomous republic of Abkhazia, as well as in Central Asian republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kirgizia.”

Thus, Armenia and Azerbaijan, weapons in hand, were fighting over Nagorno-Karabakh. The Baltic republics Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania set their sights on exiting the U.S.S.R. Central Asia was a scene of turmoil. In the words of historian Pyotr Deinichenko, “The soviet people last experienced a feeling of unity on December 7th 1988 during the catastrophic earthquake in Armenia. At the time practically the entire country rushed to help the republic.”

1988 was highlighted by several more important events. There began a withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and a number of countries of Eastern Europe.

In the summer there were state-wide celebrations of 1 000 years of Christianity in Russia.

However, centrifugal forces in the U.S.S.R. were fast gathering momentum.

Historian Pyotr Deinichenko testifies:

“In the course of 1989 practically all the republics proclaimed as the state language (instead of Russian) their own ethnic languages. All were demanding sovereignty. It became clear that the center was losing power over the union republics.”

Thus, the weakening positions of the center, growing separatist sentiments in the Soviet republics, invariably led up to a collapse of the country. The union republics were now quite heedless of what Moscow said, and this process went beyond the borders of the republics.

That same year 1989 the Warsaw pact also showed signs of speedy disintegration. At the beginning of the year anticommunists came to power in Poland. And in November in a matter of three weeks the Berlin wall was torn demolished in the German Democratic republic. Communist regimes fell in Bulgaria, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia.

On May 29th 1990 Boris Yeltsin was elected to head the parliament of the largest of the U.S.S.R. republics – the Russian Federation. And on June 12th, that same year parliament practically unanimously proclaimed the sovereignty of Russia.

That moment marked the beginning of the end of the Gorbachev era, as the latter was juggling the posts of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and President of the U.S.S.R. He had to make a choice between the Democrats, screaming for reforms, and Conservatives, going solid for the preservation of the U.S.S.R. and the leading role of the Communist Party in the country. In the words of historian Pyotr Deinichenko, “Gorbachev nurtured hopes of staying safely in the center, while the center, in point of fact, was by then nonexistent. Society was split. Both sides threw their weight behind their radicals, who ruled out any compromise. “Consensus”, which was Mikhail Gorbachev’s pet concept, became a fast-fading dream.”

In December 1990 at the 4th Congress of Deputies of the U.S.S.R. Mikhail Gorbachev spoke out for bringing things to order in the country. His appointment of new top brass for the power ministries from among those who advocated a preservation of the U.S.S.R. and the ruling role of the Communist Party revealed his Conservative leanings… In protest against this, Minister of Foreign Affairs Eduard Shevardnadze, who’d seemed a devoted ally of Gorbachev, announced his resignation.

Other former allies of the U.S.S.R. President were now demanding he either disclaim his ties with the Conservatives or resign. In reply Mikhail Gorbachev, speaking in the Belarusian capital Minsk, announced that the Democrats were pushing the country towards a civil war. The press organ of the CPSU, the newspaper ‘Pravda’ accused Boris Yeltsin of anti-constitutional moves and fomenting an ‘emergency situation’ in the country.

Meanwhile, ahead was a referendum on preserving the U.S.S.R. On its eve, Yeltsin’s supporters, in a bid to seize power, called on the people to vote against the preservation of the U.S.S.R. Miners, who launched a series of mass strikes, were also calling for Gorbachev’s resignation. On the eve of the referendum Mikhail Gorbachev formed a Security Council which was chiefly made up of Conservatives.

On March 17th, 1991 the referendum took place. Historian Pyotr Deinichenko noted that despite the fact it was boycotted by several republics, around 70% voted for preserving the U.S.S.R. intact. He wrote: “Mikhail Gorbachev hoped to secure his success at the Emergency Congress of People’s Deputies of the Russian Federation, planned for the end of March. He hoped to remove Boris Yeltsin from power. We shall never know just how justified these hopes were, for on the opening day of the Congress Gorbachev committed a serious political error. He ordered the introduction of troops into Moscow. All in all around 50 thousand troops entered the city. The troops found themselves face to face with the protestors – advocates of reforms.

The effect of this muscle-flexing was quite the opposite from what had been hoped for. Even many Conservatives from among the ranks of Gorbachev’s camp were incensed, and the Congress Deputies demanded the troops be withdrawn. Gorbachev refused to comply. So then the Congress ceased its work. The stand-off lasted 24 hours. As a result, fearing open confrontation, Gorbachev beat a retreat. He placed all responsibility for possible tragic consequences on the Defense Minister Dmitry Yazov and KGB chief Vladimir Kruchkov. He thus lost the last vestiges of trust of the Conservatives, whose support he longed to enlist.

The result was a political compromise with Yeltsin, who suggested at the Congress a very moderate program that even the Conservatives found difficult to object to. Simultaneously, the Congress voted for broadening the delegated powers of the parliament head and scheduled Presidential elections in Russia.”

So, the referendum on preserving the U.S.S.R. passed successfully. Moreover, Yeltsin agreed to sign a treaty on the Union of Sovereign States, which would serve as a basis for a reborn U.S.S.R. These two facts infused hope into Gorbachev, giving him an opportunity to direct his efforts to the problem of preserving the Union. In the spring of 1991 there were negotiations between Gorbachev, leaders of the Union republics and Boris Yeltsin. A compromise was within reach. In return for sovereignty the republican leaders vowed to guarantee political stability. The signing of a new Union treaty was set for August 20th. Meanwhile, in the words of historian Pyotr Deinichenko, “…the main threat to Mikhail Gorbachev’s power now emanated from the Conservatives. The latter viewed him as a hindrance ever since he agreed to a compromise with the reformists. They deemed him ‘indecisive, a weakling’, and believed that the Soviet Union and existing state system could only be preserved by radical means. Already then the Conservatives began to harbor thoughts of a power takeover by force. They made their last attempt to come to power through legal means at the end of April 1991, at the Plenary meeting of the Party Central Committee. At the time Gorbachev was accused of many political sins, and principally, of aiding and abetting the collapse of the U.S.S.R. An incensed Gorbachev announced his resignation and left the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. He still had hopes of standing at the helm of a renewed Union of former Soviet republics, though.

On June 12th 1991 at elections of the first President of Russia Boris Yeltsin, campaigning under anti-communist slogans, scored a decisive victory. Slightly over a month passed – and he signed the so-called decree on ‘departisation’. This decree prohibited the activity of primary party organizations at enterprises and government agencies.

Gorbachev did not react to this in any way. However, the Conservatives had no intention of keeping silent. On June 23rd the newspaper “Sovietskaya Pravda” published the article headed “Word to the People”. Its authors summoned the people to an open confrontation with state power and the course of reforms. Yet again, Gorbachev was silent.

And on August 19th, a day before the signing of a new Union treaty, the country learned that all power was now passing into the hands of the so-called State Emergency Committee. The new authorities thus addressed the Soviet people:

 “Compatriots! Citizens of the Soviet Union! At this critical hour for the Motherland and our peoples, we turn to you! Our great Homeland is in mortal danger! The policy of reforms, initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev and conceived as a means of ensuring a dynamic development of the country and democratization of public life, due to a number of reasons has reached an impasse. The initial enthusiasm and hopes have been supplanted by apathy and despair. The powers-that-be at all levels have lost the trust of the population. Barefaced politicking has banished from public life a true concern for the welfare of the masses and the Homeland. We are witnessing a vociferous scoffing at all state institutes of power. The country, in effect, has been left to fend for itself.

Taking advantage of the afforded freedoms, trampling the tender shoots of emerging democracy, extremist forces have taken a course directed at eliminating the Soviet Union, destroying the state and seizing power at all cost.

The results of a nationwide referendum on unity of the Homeland have been sneered at. A cynical speculation on ‘ethnic sentiments’ is nothing but a blind to cover up their ambitions. These political adventurers have no true concern for the problems their peoples face today, nor for tomorrow. Fueling an environment of moral-political terror, and attempting to cloak themselves with the notion of public trust, they forget that the ties they so deride and tear asunder were initially founded on much broader popular support, moreover – they passed the test of many centuries’ long history. Today those who are actually calling for overthrowing the constitutional order should answer to their ancestors for the death of many hundreds of victims of interethnic conflicts. The ruined lives of over half a million refugees are on their conscience. Millions of Soviet people, who just yesterday lived as one happy family, have been robbed of their peace of mind and now find themselves outcasts in their own home. The future social order should be determined by the people, yet attempts are being made to strip them of this right of choice.

The crisis of power has had catastrophic consequences for the economy. A chaotic slide towards a market has erupted in an outburst of egotism: regional, departmental, group and individual. A war of laws and abetment of centrifugal tendencies have resulted in a destruction of the uniform mechanism of national economy, molded through decades. The outcome is a sharp drop in living standards of a majority of the Soviet people, a flourishing of profiteering and shadow economy. The time has long come to tell the people the truth: if urgent and radical measures aren’t taken to stabilize the economy, in the not-so-distant future starvation and a fresh spiral of impoverishment are inevitable. They will be the first steps leading towards mass outbursts of public indignation, which are fraught with disastrous consequences. Only irresponsible people can set their hopes entirely on help from abroad. Handouts cannot solve the situation, our salvation lies in our own hands.”

The address went on to call the actions of the reformists an anti-constitutional coup. Much was said about infringement on the rights of the working people, a threat to people’s personal safety, and that the country was plunging into an abyss of violence and lawlessness. Never before in the history of the country, it was said in the document, did propaganda of sex and violence reach such proportions. This threatened the health and life of future generations. “Millions demand that measures be taken against the evil tentacles of crime and rampant immorality,” said the document. The latter also dwelt on the country’s situation on the international arena:

 “An aggravating destabilization of the political and economic situation in the Soviet Union undermines our positions on an international plane. In some corners revanchist cries are heard, demanding a revision of our borders. There are even calls for dismembering the Soviet Union and the possibility of establishing international patronage over separate objectives and regions of the country. Such is the bitter reality of the day. Just yesterday a soviet person, when abroad, felt the dignity that a citizen of a powerful and respected state naturally feels. Today – he is often regarded as a second-rate foreigner, who stirs in others either disdain or sympathy.

We must reinstate in full measure the pride and dignity of a soviet individual.

The State Emergency Committee of the U.S.S.R. fully appreciates the profound depth of the crisis gripping our country, is ready to shoulder the burden of responsibility for the destiny of the Motherland, and is full of determination to adopt the most radical measures to speedily take the country and society out of the crisis.”

The State Emergency Committee called on all citizens of the U.S.S.R. to extend their support in its efforts to bring the country out of the crisis.

This summons didn’t go unheeded. Millions of people were prepared to extend this support, because the reforms and the reformists themselves had by then found many opponents. In fact, it’s unclear whether there were more proponents or opponents of the reforms.

In the meantime, in Moscow tanks appeared in the streets, and a curfew was declared. Orders were given to arrest Boris Yeltsin and his followers.

However, in turn, Yeltsin by special decree branded the actions of the Emergency Committee unlawful and criminal, and temporarily claimed control over the U.S.S.R. power structures, located on Russian territory. He annulled the decree of the Emergency Committee on introduction of troops into Moscow. A many-thousand strong crowd of Muscovites – Yeltsin’s supporters — gathered ‘round the residence of the President and the Russian parliament. Barricades were erected… Demonstrations in support of Yeltsin took place in other Russian towns.

In this situation the troops displayed lack of confidence. Similarly faltering were all the actions of the leaders of the Emergency Committee – they were not at all sure the army would execute their orders.

The morning of August 21st saw the withdrawal of troops from Moscow. That same day the Russian parliament met in session to extend unequivocal support for Yeltsin’s actions.

Leaders of the Emergency Committee fled Moscow and made their way to Crimea, to Mikhail Gorbachev’s residence. However, he refused to meet with them. Instead, they were arrested. Gorbachev returned to Moscow. But by then he no longer possessed any real power. All power was in the hands of Yeltsin and his supporters. The latter issued a decree outlawing all activity of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Russian Communist Party on the territory of Russia. Gorbachev renounced the post of General Secretary of the CPSU and dissolved the U.S.S.R. Government. While the Central Committee of the CPSU took a decision to disband.

After this, the process of disintegration of the U.S.S.R. continued with increased momentum. At the outset of the coup masterminded by the Emergency Committee, Estonia and Latvia declared their independence, while right on the heels of the suppression of the coup – Ukraine followed suit. At the end of August 1991 their example was emulated by Belarus, Moldavia, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan and Kirgizia. As for Georgia and Lithuania, they proclaimed their independence before the coup.

All the republics hoped that at the moment of economic crisis each one of them could survive by itself. They sincerely thought this way it would be easier for them to provide the population with food products and first necessity goods.

On December 8th, 1991 Presidents of Russia and Ukraine – Boris Yeltsin and Leonid Kravchuk, as well as the head of the Belarusian parliament Stanislav Shushkevich, met in the Belarusian nature preserve of Byelovezhskaya Puscha. There they clandestinely signed an agreement that annulled the Soviet Union and instead formed a Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Several days later the parliaments of the three republics ratified this agreement.

On December 21st, 1991 the leaders of the other eleven former Soviet republics all signed the Declaration on the formation of the Union of Independent States.

Four days after this event Mikhail Gorbachev officially retired as President of the U.S.S.R. Thus, the U.S.S.R. ceased to exist.