- Right now, what are the priorities of US-Russia relations?
- Today, the
relations between Russia
and the United
States are based
on the two countries’ similar approach to security issues, such as countering
the terrorist threat, stopping drug trafficking, and preventing WMD
proliferation. The most significant part of cooperation is, of course, the
anti-terrorist efforts. Certainly, the program of US-Russia relations should be
expanded, primarily, in the area of commerce.
- One of your recent initiatives that was announced in New York proposed
the creation of an international tribunal, – analogous to the Hague Tribunal –
which would review the cases of terrorists from around the world. What would
that yield?
- Today,
despite the creation of the anti-terrorist coalition, counter-terrorist efforts
are conducted as though terrorism is a phenomenon particular to a given
country, not to the global community. Each country fights only those terrorists
that directly threaten it. Right now, there are more terrorist organizations in
the world than there are sovereign nations. It is unacceptable that, in certain
countries that condemn Al-Qaeda, the terrorists who
killed the children in Beslan are hailed as fighters
for freedom and, in other countries that do not approve of the Chechen rebels, Bin Laden is esteemed as a liberator. A universal
approach is necessary – there should be no contrast between “our” and “foreign”
terrorists. It is, therefore, imperative to have international institutions to
combat international terrorism. One such institution might be an international
tribunal that would try the captured terrorists without any territorial or
national attribution.
- How good for US-Russia commercial relations is the political and
economic climate in Russia?
- The
political climate is, unquestionably, favorable to the development of economic
relations between America
and Russia.
There is no anti-Americanism in Russia.
There are also no bases for our countries to change the present partnership
attitude.
- In your opinion, would the recent decisions of President Putin, construed by many Western experts as deviations from
democracy, influence American investors?
- These
interpretations of Western experts are as prejudiced as their decision not to
repeal the Jackson-Vanick amendment. What could be
said of the decision to change the State Duma
election method to a proportional system? Does that system in any way
contradict democracy? It is commonly known that the foundation of
representation systems in the US
and Great Britain
is local direct election. These systems were laid down historically. In these
countries, the majority election system does seem to work. By contrast,
continental Europe,
which is quite democratic and even liberal, utilizes in most places the
proportional system. What should one expect to follow from it all? Sociologists
may say that the absence of strong parties signifies the scarcity of state
democratic institutions and general democratic procedures. However, parties
originate in the course of political competition, primarily during elections.
One must remember that the party system in Russia
is still in the phase of forma tion. As we were taught by Karl Popper, no one
could create democracy that did not use political parties.
The other
reform of Putin is the procedure of appointing the
heads of regional administrations, the governors. I am tired of repeating
myself to everyone that in many long-standing and traditional democracies the
governors are not elected, but appointed. In Russia,
the national government will only propose candidates for the local parliaments
to choose from. In this way, unlike in many other countries, in Russia
the involvement of the national government will not be direct. As it commonly
recognized, modern representative democracy is a mere competition of elite
groups. In Russia,
elite groups have not yet been formed; they are still in the process of
acquiring legitimacy. Meanwhile, the country must exist. When Putin came to power, he inherited disrupted commercial
systems, regional separatism, mass poverty, high crime rates, suspicious
privatization, corruption, and blackmailing of the government by the
oligarchs. I see no threat to
American investors arising from Russia’s
proportional electoral system or from the procedure of appointing governors.
- You once sent a letter to Joseph Biden, the
chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee in the US Senate, with a request to repeal
the “relic of the Cold War,” the Jackson-Vanick
amendment. Has anything changed since then? What specific steps are being taken
about elevating Russia out of Jackson-Vanick?
- There are
very few letters that actually address this subject. In reality, the problem
goes beyond the amendment alone. In the summer of 2004, the Foreign Affairs
Committee of the Federation Council compiled the second edition of a report
titled “The Legislation of the United
States and Russia’s
Interests” – the first edition was published in May 2002. The report examined
the particularities of US-Russia relations, the two countries’ priorities in
foreign policy, and the world terrorist threat. The report thoroughly addressed
the area of Russia’s
economic development, the state of US-Russia commercial relations, and the US
policy of sanctions. The United
States, according
to its policy of export control, imposes sanctions on WMD technologies. The
report analyzed US
opposition to Russia’s
military and scientific collaboration with foreign partners. Contained in the
report is list of complaints directed against the current legislation of the US,
which discriminates against Russia
in international commercial exchanges. The report outlines primary objectives
of the US-Russia dialogue on topics of international trade. The legislations of
Russia
and the United
States are
discussed by the members of the upper parliamentary chambers of our countries
during the sessions of the “Federation Council – US Senate” task force. This
form of cooperation, initiated in November 2003, turned out to be of great
interest to the American side: many Senators, both Democrat and Republican, are
eager to be included in that group. We have come to mutual understanding that
such legislation analysis will allow the parliaments of Russia
and the US
to remove “the excesses of the Cold War.”
- There are more and more small and middle-size
businesses in Russia and the United States that look with hope toward the possibility
of future US-Russia economic cooperation. What is your advice to them?
- My advice
is that they should look not only with their eyes, but also with their heads.
It is only at this stage that concrete economic cooperation can begin.
- What problems are now troubling Mikhail Margelov,
the vice-chairman of the Council of Europe
Parliamentary Assembly (PACE)?
- I report
on the Middle East to the
political committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly. Right now,
I am preoccupied about the upcoming elections in Palestine
- all the more so because the January 2005 session of PACE will analyze the
development of democracy in that region. The session will be conducted in the
form of debates. I will be present in Palestine
during the election as one of international observers. There is hope that after
the leader of Palestine
will be elected, PACE will be more successful in facilitating the growth of
democracy there than before.